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The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties Hardcover – January 21, 2020
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Christopher Caldwell has spent years studying the liberal uprising of the 1960s and its unforeseen consequences. Even the reforms that Americans love best have come with costs that are staggeringly high—in wealth, freedom, and social stability—and that have been spread unevenly among classes and generations.
Caldwell reveals the real political turning points of the past half century, taking readers on a roller-coaster ride through Playboy magazine, affirmative action, CB radio, leveraged buyouts, iPhones, Oxycontin, Black Lives Matter, and internet cookies. In doing so, he shows that attempts to redress the injustices of the past have left Americans living under two different ideas of what it means to play by the rules.
Essential, timely, hard to put down, The Age of Entitlement is a brilliant and ambitious argument about how the reforms of the past fifty years gave the country two incompatible political systems—and drove it toward conflict.
- Print length352 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSimon & Schuster
- Publication dateJanuary 21, 2020
- Dimensions6 x 1.3 x 9 inches
- ISBN-101501106899
- ISBN-13978-1501106897
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“One of the right’s most gifted and astute journalists”
— New York Times Book Review
"The Age of Entitlement is a work of history, not a work of sociological analysis. It does not conclude with a list of solutions or proposals. But this is no ordinary work of history. It engages and dazzles the reader in the way the histories of A.J.P. Taylor once did. Caldwell, as those who know his journalism and his 2010 book Reflections on the Revolution in Europe will know, has a marvelous talent for pointing out the unacknowledged contradictions and perversities in the outlooks of both left and right."
—Commentary
“American conservatism’s foremost writer… This is a heretical, unsettling work"
—The Irish Times
"The Age of Entitlement is an eloquent and bracing book, full of insight."
— New York Magazine
“Scholarly, provocative, insightful: this is history-writing at its best. Readers of Caldwell’s journalism will instantly recognize his capacity to use a single moment or event to illuminate a much wider phenomenon. Anyone wishing to understand the failure of the American elite over the more than half century since President Kennedy was assassinated, and thus why Donald Trump was elected, must read but profoundly thoughtful book.”
— Andrew Roberts, New York Times bestselling author of Leadership in War
“In this landmark cultural and political history of the last half-century, Christopher Caldwell brilliantly dissects the new progressive establishment, and shows how the reforms of the sixties gradually devolved into intolerance, self-righteousness, and the antithesis of what had started out as naive idealism. A singular analysis by a masterful chronicler of the sixties dreams that have gone so terribly, but predictably, wrong.”
— Victor Davis Hanson, author of The Case for Trump
“The Age of Entitlement rudely dismembers the moral pretensions of our ruling class in the tradition of Christopher Lasch. If the trajectory of political correctness leaves you bewildered, here you will learn its institutional logic—the key role it plays in legitimating new structures of inequality. Thanks to Caldwell, we now understand how this regime change happened, and why half the electorate thought it necessary to cast a vote of desperation in 2016.”
—Matthew Crawford, New York Times bestselling author of Shop Class as Soulcraft
“The sharpest and most insightful conservative critique of mainstream politics in years.”
— Publishers Weekly (starred review)
“A deeper, wider cultural and constitutional narrative of the last half-century... Caldwell’s account is indispensable — especially for liberals — in understanding how resentments grew... nuanced and expansive”
— Andrew Sullivan, New York Magazine
"A sweeping but insightful examination into every social, political and legal decision, movement and trend that leaves us where we are today in a polarized nation. ... a fascinating read that could ignite 1,000 conversations ... Caldwell’s analysis of our Vietnam legacy is particularly masterful but the book brims with brisk evaluations of how a confident nation became an argumentative, fragmented one."
— The Associated Press
"In all, a deeply felt, highly readable, and dead honest account of America since the 1960s and the terrible wrong turn we took then and continue to follow, disrupting what we used to call the American way, and leading to the increasing alienation of many of our most productive citizens, who believe they may be losing their country."
— The Washington Times
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
The assassination of Kennedy
In the mid-1960s, at a moment of deceptively permanent-looking prosperity, the country’s most energetic and ideological leaders made a bid to reform the United States along lines more just and humane. They rallied to various loosely linked moral crusades, of which the civil rights movement, culminating in the 1964 Civil Rights Act, provided the model. Women entered jobs and roles that had been male preserves. Sex came untethered from both tradition and prudery. Immigrants previously unwanted in the United States were welcomed and even recruited. On both sides of the clash over the Vietnam War, thinkers and politicians formulated ambitious plans for the use of American power.
Most people who came of age after the 1960s, if asked what that decade was “about,” will respond with an account of these crusades, structured in such a way as to highlight the moral heroism of the time. That is only natural. For two generations, “the sixties” has given order to every aspect of the national life of the United States—its partisan politics, its public etiquette, its official morality.
This is a book about the crises out of which the 1960s order arose, the means by which it was maintained, and the contradictions at its heart that, by the time of the presidential election of 2016, had led a working majority of Americans to view it not as a gift but as an oppression.
The assassination of Kennedy
The era we think of as the sixties began with relative suddenness around the time of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963. Americans are right to say that nothing was ever the same after Kennedy was shot. You can hear the change in popular music over a matter of months. A year-and-a-half before Kennedy was killed, “Stranger on the Shore,” a drowsy instrumental by the British clarinetist Acker Bilk, had hit number one. A year-and-a-half after the assassination, the musicians who would form Jefferson Airplane, the Grateful Dead, Big Brother and the Holding Company, and various other druggie blues and folk-rock bands were playing their first gigs together in San Francisco.
This does not mean that the assassination “caused” the decade’s cultural upheaval. The months before Kennedy’s death had already seen the publication of Thomas Kuhn’s book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (August 1962), which upended notions about science’s solidity and a lot of social and political assumptions built on it; Rachel Carson’s exposé of pesticides, Silent Spring (September 1962); and The Feminine Mystique (February 1963), Betty Friedan’s attack on what she saw as the vapidity of well-to-do housewives’ existence. Something was going to happen.
The two conflicts that did most to define the American 1960s—those over racial integration and the war in Vietnam—were already visible. In October 1962, rioting greeted attempts to enforce a Supreme Court decision requiring the segregated University of Mississippi to enroll its first black student, James Meredith. The last summer of Kennedy’s life ended with an unprecedented March on Washington by 200,000 civil rights activists. Three weeks before Kennedy was killed in Dallas, Vietnamese president Ngo Dinh Diem was ousted and then murdered in a coup that Kennedy had authorized.
Kennedy’s death, though, gave a tremendous impetus to changes already under way. Often peoples react to a political assassination, as if by collective instinct, with a massive posthumous retaliation. They memorialize a martyred leader by insisting on (or assenting to) a radicalized version, a sympathetic caricature, of the views they attribute to him. The example most familiar to Americans came in the wake of Abraham Lincoln’s assassination in 1865, when the country passed constitutional reforms far broader than those Lincoln himself had sought: not only a Thirteenth Amendment to abolish slavery but also a broad Fourteenth Amendment, with its more general and highly malleable guarantees of equal protection and due process.
Something similar happened in the 1960s. A welfare state expanded by Medicare and Medicaid, the vast mobilization of young men to fight the Vietnam War, but, above all, the Civil Rights and Voting Rights acts—these were all memorials to a slain ruler, resolved in haste over a few months in 1964 and 1965 by a people undergoing a delirium of national grief. Kennedy’s successor, Lyndon B. Johnson, was able to take ideas for civil rights legislation, languishing in the months before Kennedy’s death, and cast them in a form more uncompromising than Kennedy could have imagined.
Civil rights ideology, especially when it hardened into a body of legislation, became, most unexpectedly, the model for an entire new system of constantly churning political reform. Definitions of what was required in the name of justice and humanity broadened. Racial integration turned into the all-embracing ideology of diversity. Women’s liberation moved on to a reconsideration of what it meant to be a woman (and, eventually, a man). Immigration became grounds for reconsidering whether an American owed his primary allegiance to his country or whether other forms of belonging were more important. Anti-communist military adventures gave way, once communism began to collapse in 1989, to a role for the United States as the keeper of the whole world’s peace, the guarantor of the whole world’s prosperity, and the promulgator and enforcer of ethical codes for a new international order, which was sometimes called the “global economy.”
There was something irresistible about this movement. The moral prestige and practical resources available to the American governing elite as it went about reordering society were almost limitless. Leaders could draw not just on the rage and resolve that followed Kennedy’s death but also on the military and economic empire the United States had built up after World War II; on the organizational know-how accumulated in its corporations and foundations; on the Baby Boom, which, as the end of the twentieth century approached, released into American society a surge of manpower unprecedented in peacetime; and, finally, on the self-assurance that arose from all of these things.
The reforms of the sixties, however, even the ones Americans loved best and came to draw part of their national identity from, came with costs that proved staggeringly high—in money, freedom, rights, and social stability. Those costs were spread most unevenly among social classes and generations. Many Americans were left worse off by the changes. Economic inequality reached levels not seen since the age of the nineteenth-century monopolists. The scope for action conferred on society’s leaders allowed elite power to multiply steadily and, we now see, dangerously, sweeping aside not just obstacles but also dissent.
At some point in the course of the decades, what had seemed in 1964 to be merely an ambitious reform revealed itself to have been something more. The changes of the 1960s, with civil rights at their core, were not just a major new element in the Constitution. They were a rival constitution, with which the original one was frequently incompatible—and the incompatibility would worsen as the civil rights regime was built out. Much of what we have called “polarization” or “incivility” in recent years is something more grave—it is the disagreement over which of the two constitutions shall prevail: the de jure constitution of 1788, with all the traditional forms of jurisprudential legitimacy and centuries of American culture behind it; or the de facto constitution of 1964, which lacks this traditional kind of legitimacy but commands the near-unanimous endorsement of judicial elites and civic educators and the passionate allegiance of those who received it as a liberation. The increasing necessity that citizens choose between these two orders, and the poisonous conflict into which it ultimately drove the country, is what this book describes.
Product details
- Publisher : Simon & Schuster (January 21, 2020)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 352 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1501106899
- ISBN-13 : 978-1501106897
- Item Weight : 1.1 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 1.3 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #231,572 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #212 in Civil Rights & Liberties (Books)
- #503 in Political Commentary & Opinion
- #5,988 in United States History (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
About the author
Christopher Caldwell is a contributing editor at the Claremont Review of Books and a contributing opinion writer for The New York Times. He was previously a senior editor at the Weekly Standard and a columnist for the Financial Times. He is the author of The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties and Reflections on the Revolution in Europe: Immigration, Islam and the West.
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Customers find the book provides great insights and is relevant to them. They describe it as a well-researched, well-written, and accessible read with concise sentences and rich notes. However, some readers feel the pacing lacks conviction and the thesis is disturbing.
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Customers find the book insightful and relevant. They describe it as a well-researched, informative read that offers thought-provoking ideas and lessons for the future of freedom. Readers appreciate the comprehensive assessment of contemporary culture and political trends, as well as the book's focus on Great Society programs and their consequences.
"...This seems to me an extremely important book. The notes are very rich, referring to much related material of high relevance...." Read more
"...They can litigate. They can vote. They can win. A great book tells people not just why and how we got here, but what they can do to get there." Read more
"This is a combination social studies and history book of America since the Civil Rights Act of 1964...." Read more
"...Mr. Caldwell lays it all out -- in detail, but dispassionately...." Read more
Customers find the book well-written and insightful. They say it's worthwhile and worth reading. The hardcover quality is great.
"...After all, two can play the game. HOW TO MAKE THIS GOOD BOOK GREAT Average of 4 and 0 is 2...." Read more
"...The book is well written and well reasoned. It is hard to argue with. The only question imo is whether the U.S. is better or worse for it all." Read more
"...The author does a wonderful job of putting us back in the thick of things in the midst of our culture war that is still ongoing...." Read more
"...Still, very worthwhile, and many ideas expressed are sure to create a helpful context in which to view events in the days ahead." Read more
Customers find the book's writing clear and accessible. They appreciate the rich notes and references that support the author's arguments. The book provides a comprehensive overview of the changes in the US since the passage of the Constitution. It is well-researched and documented, making it suitable for advanced high school or college students.
"...The book is well researched and provides copious evidence for Caldwell's argument. There are 45 pages of references and notes...." Read more
"...This seems to me an extremely important book. The notes are very rich, referring to much related material of high relevance...." Read more
"The book is well written and reads quickly...." Read more
"...This would be a great book for advanced H.S. students or college to help explain the stunning transformation of the United States over the past half..." Read more
Customers find the book's pacing slow and the thesis disturbing. They say the book fails to provide convincing arguments about civil rights laws. The notes and references are helpful, but the work is incomplete and unsatisfying.
"...It tries to draw parallels with the civil right laws but fails to do so convincingly...." Read more
"...He is REFERRED TO, but only in a dismissive, dehumanizing way. I'm not sure of Caldwell's politics, but I take it he's a "never-Trump" Republican...." Read more
"...But unsatisfyingly incomplete. Ends before Trump and in one brief observation says reversal requires repeal of the civil rights laws. Come on...." Read more
"...Very disturbing thesis. Seems to be well supported with notes and references." Read more
Top reviews from the United States
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- Reviewed in the United States on July 31, 2020Reading Christopher Caldwell's insightful analysis of the history of the United States since the 1960s is like watching a train wreck in slow motion. How the U.S. went from the greatest superpower of the 20th century to a socially, culturally, and politically disintegrating nation is made abundantly clear here. His central thesis is that the Civil Rights Act of 1964, a well-intentioned set of laws designed to right the wrongs of segregation and discrimination against Blacks in the South, has grown into the de facto Constitution of the United States, overriding and replacing the actual Constitution. This new Constitution operates outside the bounds of democracy, depending on litigation and an ever burgeoning civil rights bureaucracy to sustain it. Because of this, it doesn't matter which political party is in office, the revolution continues and the new Constitution is ever expanding in power and reach. As the author describes it, the twin pillars of Civil Rights are affirmative action and political correctness. Affirmative action, regardless of the intent, gives everyone in the country except the majority White population preferred status, in effect making Whites second class citizens. Political correctness is censorship, but the government does not have to enforce it. Instead it relies on the private sector, informed by a sympathetic media and the oligarchs of the tech industry, to punish dissidents. Political correctness is necessary because the Civil Rights industry is built on a single premise: that any and all failures of minority populations to be successful are due to White racism. Because it is built on this house of cards, any dissenting opinion must be suppressed. The author argues that because the U.S. is a diverse nation of many different races, ethnicities, and religions, the only thing that unites it is the original Constitution. Replacing it with a new Constitution based on identity politics and victimhood guarantees balkanization and perhaps eventual dissolution. The book is well researched and provides copious evidence for Caldwell's argument. There are 45 pages of references and notes. For those who think this is just a conservative hit piece, the author is actually harder on Republican presidents Reagan and George W. Bush than he is on Democrats Clinton and Obama. In particular, he excoriates Reagan for his disastrous amnesty bill. There is no mention of Trump except in the last paragraph of the book. The Age of Entitlement should be read by all Americans who care about the future of their country.
- Reviewed in the United States on March 1, 2020This is a narrative of American society from the 60s up to the present. Author Christopher Caldwell explains who gained power and wealth, who has lost, and how these changes led to the polarized politics of today. “The changes [in Federal law] from the 1960s,with civil rights at their core, were not just a major new element in the Constitution. They were a rival Constitution, with which the original one was frequently incompatible--and the incompatibility would worsen as the civil rights regime was built out.”
The starting point was Brown vs Board of Education. Rather than asking if schools could be separate but equal, the Supreme Court dismissed the question by stating that segregated schools were inherently unequal. The question then became one of freedom of association on equal terms. Blacks had to be granted the right to associate with whites. (The freedom of whites exclusively to associate with whites was ignored.) The Civil Rights Act of 1964, which applied to many public facilities besides schools, required the right to free association. A proportionate mix of white and black was required; if not, there was unequal association, therefore injustice. Public facilities of all kinds could always be found unequal in some way or other. Thus anxiety about inequality became a permanent condition, and was expanded to other groups besides blacks.
The 60s marked a heightening and expansion of the American outlook from the cramped outlook of the 50’s. The heroes were the veterans, who were eventually to hold 75% of US Congressional seats. The 60s seemed idealistic and focused on increasing personal freedom. The culture was also heavily male. In cities, a lot of old but serviceable buildings were torn down and replaced by dreary brutalist structures (for example, Government Center in Boston). Freedom for women expanded after two major Supreme Court decisions, Griswold vs Connecticut and Roe vs Wade, even if nominally they were about privacy. Abortion became an issue on the political reliability of judges. The constitutional legitimacy of the Supreme Court was put in question. Then came the ERA, which was highly favored at the beginning of the 70’s but faded. ERA promised to feminize public space just as Civil Rights Act promised to desegregate it. Now, the author explains (not very clearly) there was a sense of too much freedom; therefore in the 70s a hankering for rural, off-freeway America.
As we know reluctantly, the Vietnam war set America a large American goal that was disastrously lost. Originally Kennedy had planned to make an anti-communist state of Laos. American bureaucrats were sure they could build a Great Society in Southeast Asia. The war created a class division between the men who entered graduate or professional school and those who did not. Soldiers appeared as marauders and burners of villages. This had its impact on domestic politics. In Boston, school desegregregation through busing looked like a military campaign by well-off Bostonians against poor white neighborhoods. Privileged Americans took out of the Vietnam era an enhanced sense of moral authority. The people of South Boston were seen as part of the "basket of deplorables" and their future was to be overthrown.
The author points out that the 70s were a period of disillusionment from the late 60s. Reaganism shared to some degree the counterculture’s deepest aspirations. It was for conservative localist freedom against progress, favoring voluntary communities like South Boston over bureaucratically designed housing projects. But Reagan merely tapped conservatism. The return of power to communities never happened. Jack Kemp and later, Clinton promoted low taxes (promoted by Kemp, Jude Wanniski, and Arthur Laffer), high expenditures on Social Security and Medicare, and a big helping hand for minorities. The US dollar became the world's reserve currency. The Baby Boomers used their generational voting power to vote all of this into effect, arrogating the better-paid labor of future generations (who then were not old enough to vote), and trading it to other nations whose low-wage population gave us inexpensive products.
Social Security and Medicare were made more generous; there were expanded student loan programs and Pell grants. From an actuarial and human capital perspctive, the post-Reagan election years should have been easiest time to cut the budget, due to the large earning powr of Baby Boomers, but this didn’t happen. The wealth was spent on these expanding the new programs. As the author puts it, “The Great Society is the institutional form into which the civil rights impulse hardened.” More and more classes were icluded in the victim class, including other races, women, immigrants, Native Americans, .. .on and on.
The legally mandated outlays for civil rights, student loans and grants, grew incessantly, especially those for new programs, which courts assiduously worked to expand. The first major sign of this was the case of Nichols vs Lau (1974), concerning bilingual instruction in schools. The Supreme Court ruled that a school district was violating the 1964 Civil Rights Act if the children were not offered English instruction by their school district. By 1982 English instruction was offered in two forms, as a second language and as a bilingual program, but there were serious cost problems. The children were staying much longer in the bilingual program than appropriate. Similar cost-effectiveness problems occurred in other programs and in other cities. Boards of Education made many attempts to shut down bilingual programs, but they remained as a constitutional requirement.
Reaganism was a generational truce that cut some deadwood from government but not much. The exorbitant policy of using the US dollar as the world’s reserve currency and getting to write the rules of international commerce were outcomes that seemed uncertain when Reagan took office. Voters were unwilling to pay the taxes for Great Society programs, student loans, and Pell Grants. They were “too big to fail”. Their effectiveness was in dispute but an iron coalition of educ administrators and student advocates won’t let them be touched.
"Diversity" was something of a cult-word in the late 80s. The author finds one source of its popularity in the Bakke decision, as an alternative for "equality". But another more mundane explanation is the widespread business use of the computer, which made it possible to assemble a product out of many different sources and designs; he cites Banana Republic clothing, in some ways "authentic," in other ways not. A manufactured product could draw on materials from all over the world (even if they were really cheap and new) and from designers in all different traditions (even if they were bogus). In human relations on the job, if there was a perceived lack of diversity in employment arrangements or a lack of sensitivity, there was a ground for a civil rights complaint. The author sees Political Correctness (PC) as "an unwillingness to distinguish between institutions (which could be oppressive) and individuals (which could only be misguided.) (p.156). Understandably he makes no attempt to explain how we can determine the restorative action necessary to remedy a specific complaint, but in general the required action had to meet a high bar. Undoing court-ordered diversity would be difficult if it could be done at all.
The last chapter, "Losers", covers events in the last few years of this diversity/P.C. state, which the author sees as its culmination. Whites have been devalued to an inferior status, below "people of color": " ...when race rather than citizenship becomes the structure through which people accede to their rights, one must have a race, willy-nilly. And under the law, whites were "raceless". (p. 238). Rachel Dolezal, the white woman who successfully impersonated as black, was on her discovery attacked in the media for "passing" as black, as was Margaret Seltzer, a middle-class suburbanite who concocted a narrative about her life as a black female gang member. This was considered not funny, but a fraud. The publisher destroyed the entire print run of Seltzer's book. Then we have the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, MO, who did not raise his hands and say "Don't shoot!" in his running attack on Officer Darren Wilson. In sum, whites were not allowed to joke about race in their own way or expect consistent standards concerning how people of color talked about them versus how they talked about people of color.
These incidents reveal a class division: Dolezal, Seltzer, and Wilson on one side, media moguls and judges on the other. It’s as if, absent a provable crime, we are never allowed to see minorities as demanding more than is warranted. I can only wander how far this can go.
This seems to me an extremely important book. The notes are very rich, referring to much related material of high relevance. There's a lot that for reasons of space alone, I've had to omit, even in this book of less than 300 pages, and only a few errors.
- Reviewed in the United States on May 7, 2024Scarcely will you read a book that opens your eyes and simultaneously makes you want to slam them shut. We are lost, and not only did we do it to ourselves but we broke the mechanisms by which societal mistakes have historically been fixed. We have permanently divided the nation into two camps that cannot be rejoined while piously claiming to be involved in a grand effort to make the nation undivided. And no one saw it coming although looking back, how inevitable it appears.
- Reviewed in the United States on May 5, 2021The book is well written and reads quickly. In short, the author ties all the social problems of today from PC language, cancel culture, big technology tyranny, and the demise of free speech due to the unintended consequences of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. I think his theory is correct, but he doesn't offer any solutions. The book ends with Ann Colter predicting Trump will run in 2016. This was true, but what do we do in 2021? Everything has just gotten worse and the ideals of 1964 have never been realized? So four stars for good problem definition, but I would like to see a revised version with some path to a solution, if one exists. If there is no solution, we had all better start learning to speak Chinese, because the USA can't go on as a divided nation led by a corrupt and ever expanding government.
Top reviews from other countries
- Jean-Marc CormierReviewed in Canada on January 22, 2021
4.0 out of 5 stars Grab a copy before the book-burning mob cancels it.
Nothing that solid thinkers in the vein of the Founding Fathers and, later, the likes of Friedrich Hayek and Thomas Sowell did not warn us about yet a very solid piece of work that anyone concerned with the progressive dismantling of the foundational values of free societies should read.
Grab a copy before the cancel mob has it censored.
- Dudleydogs MumReviewed in the United Kingdom on July 26, 2021
5.0 out of 5 stars the American dream
we all know about the American Dream. Well now read about the American Nightmare.